WEBVTT

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Talking about public policies of solidarity
economy is dealing with a phenomenon

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very recent in our history,

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inscribed in the frameworks
of institutionality built

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from the Federal Constitution of 1988.

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This constitution re-established
the Democratic State of Law,

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ending the civic-military dictatorship
established by the coup of 64.

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It received, in the form of
rights, various claims

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elaborated in the midst of
social and political movements

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which built the resistance and
the Direct Vote Movement.

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In addition to recognizing individual,
civic, and citizenship rights,

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the constitution provided
for reorganizing the state

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so that it would take care
of assuring the population

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access to these rights.

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What is meant by public policy
in Brazil from then on,

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takes on another dimension.

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Thinking about an economy
at the service of society

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means thinking about the mechanisms...
The institutional forms of economic activity,

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and democracy ends up occupying a
fundamental and central place there,

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because there is no way to think of
an economy subordinated to society

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if we do not and cannot
use democratic mechanisms

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of activities management, or not to
create a democratic institutionality

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to think about it.
That\'s why we associate a lot

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the idea of ​​solidarity economy to
new practices of economic democracy,

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the territories, for example, etc.

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The Quilombola community of Cordoaria

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it has existed for over 260 years,

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is a community that has about 300 families

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and it is a quilombola community.

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So it has this certification since
2016, by Fundação Palmares.

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As it is a difficult-to-reach community,

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people had to survive on food
from the land itself.

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Farmers plant yuca

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and from yuca is made the flour,

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for daily food,

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and the production of beiju, corn cakes,
cakes, and other natural foods

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that are made with the products of
the land from here in the community.

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And the beijuzeiras survive
through the sale of these beijus,

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both at fairs and elsewhere,

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with the orders that people place for them.

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The project was carried out through
Capoeira Engenho Association,

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that brought the revitalization
of the Casa de Farinha,

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restored it, brought new equipment‚

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So, the yuca we put it already
washed, after shaved,

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put it all here and the dough
comes out here, after grinding,

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this is the mill. Ground, the
dough comes out here in a bag.

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Here, already in the press,

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put the bag down here,

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a support is usually placed,
which are those blocks there,

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to help with the press,
put another one on top,

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and here it goes round,

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squeezing, until the dough is pressed
so that all the water comes out,

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for the dough to stay dry for production.

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Here is already the
oven that roasts the flour,

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then the dry dough is placed in this oven,

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is scattered... Turn on the oven,

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these middle parts go round,

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toasting the flour,

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and it will come out dry on that side.

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The Engenho Capoeira Association,

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within this solidarity economy
process, was the proponent

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of the African matrices
public notice project in 2014.

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And then hearing some demands,
some aspirations of the community,

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with the appearance of this public notice,
we decided to register the project,

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which is the Multiculture Project
of the Quilombola de Cordoaria.

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The main objective was to restructure...
In fact, rebuild

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the community Flour House,

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it\'s a community Flour House
that has been around for over 50 years,

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but 12 years ago it was almost unusable,

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because it had no more equipment,

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the physical structure was badly damaged‚

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It made the work of the people who
processed the yuca there very difficult,

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due to structure, equipment,

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so, by listening to these aspirations from
both the agricultural staff and the local farmers

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and also from the beiju
people, the beijuzeiras,

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we took advantage of the government\'s
initiative to launch the public notice

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and entered that proposal.

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In addition to the reconstruction
of the Flour House,

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it also had a process of strengthening

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tool kit delivery

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for the fairgrounds and
for the local farmers too,

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so we distributed 60 kits,

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all the labor for the reconstruction
of the Flour House was local, right?

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Bricklayers, carpenters, helpers‚

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All the processes, all the professionals involved
in this reform were from the community.

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For us, for example, solidary economy
in practice is thought a lot from

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the co-construction of local networks
for territorial development,

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so we have no way of thinking
about the solidarity economy

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if not from an articulation
of different initiatives

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in a given territorial context.

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And these initiatives will
be both socioeconomic,

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for generating work, income, etc.,

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as organizational partners,

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because this cannot be done
outside of a schedule where

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the community discusses their
common problems, that is,

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creates associations,
spaces, organization,

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to do what we would
call a public action,

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as a form of political action,

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associations therefore have a
fundamental place in these initiatives,

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then these practices are both
socio-economic, socio-organizational,

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and sociocultural.

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A decisive moment for the emergence
of the solidarity economy in Brazil

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It was in the 1990s,

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particularly in the second
half of that decade.

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The economic crisis was deep,
and the neoliberal reform agenda,

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such as privatization and the
dismantling of the State,

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in their ability to activate the
economy or drive public policies,

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had imposed itself on the
agenda of the federal government,

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that had submitted to the interests
of the great world powers.

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“That\'s why all over the world,
more than 40 countries are privatizing,”

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“result of this race. \"

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“Better opportunities for everyone. \"

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“Destatization, because Brazil
cannot be left behind.”

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“Government of Brazil, the
priority is the citizen.”

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Unemployment and misery mistreated
huge contingents of the population.

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Only the younger ones
don\'t remember Betinho

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and citizen action against
hunger and misery for life.

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\"Hungry. It cannot be forgotten.”

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The workers, supported by
various religious organizations,

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NGOs, universities,
trade union movement, among others,

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began to organize itself in a
more intense and generalized way,

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in different ways of
generating work and income.

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In 2001, 2002 and 2003,

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the first three editions of the World
Social Forum took place in Porto Alegre.

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People from all over the world organized
in an impressive diversity of agendas,

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institutions and movements,

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converged in the capital of Rio Grande
do Sul to dialogue and build

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common agendas of struggle for
democracy and for another possible world,

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in open opposition to
neoliberal policies

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propagated by the World
Economic Forum in Davos.

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The expression solidary economy
entered the national vocabulary

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at the end of the 1990s.

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Started to mobilize the debate

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and be used to bring together
a sparse set of experiences

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and give them a new
political and social meaning.

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The state government of Bahia

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begins its investment in the solidary
economy public policy in 2007.

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The federal government had already
created the National Secretariat,

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in 2007 we created the solidarity
economy superintendence here.

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I think it is worth highlighting one
of the actions of the solidarity economy,

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that in addition to public centers,

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an investment that we made
here in solidarity economy

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what we call the African matrix.

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It is an investment in communities,
in the quilombos, in the terreiros de candomblé.

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The Rhol project emerged from
a need that is very peculiar

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of African-based religions,

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which is precisely the lack of
plants for their sacred rituals.

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A point that started this action was

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identifying in the city of Salvador,
for example,

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that most establishments that sell plants

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for religious and liturgical purposes,

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don\'t have a bond
with the institution of Candomblé.

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This is worrying, because
Candomblé terreiros generate revenue

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and they live in practically sub-human
conditions, for the most part.

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So what was the idea: to
bring the terreiros together,

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so that they could cultivate the
plants that are rarefied in Salvador,

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for urbanization issues,
and other issues,

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and then they have a pole

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where they can take their plants
for that commercial purpose,

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from a religious perspective. But
how to foster this financial stability?

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How to encourage this self-management?

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And from that raw material,
what other products could you make?

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So the Rhol project had
the idea of ​​producing what?

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Natural cosmetics, using soaps

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with herbs that are used
in our religious baths,

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that they have active
principles for health,

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in the artisanal and natural
perspective, to market.

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Because \'axe\' is a combination
of two words, right?

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“aua”, which means “we”, in Yoruba,

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and “xe”, which is “work”,
then “we at work”.

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So “we at work” are the ones who force,
we make everything happen.

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We cannot work with solidarity economy

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and only see the dollar sign.

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How much did each family earn? OK.

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We have at least five gains
within the solidarity economy,

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and this return, the State
itself has difficulty measuring,

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which is: economic gain,

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that is, the so-called socioeconomic,
if you earn money;

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we have a sociopolitical gain,

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because people come to understand
the importance of discussion

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and the construction of
the solidarity economy, right?

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We have the socio-environmental
gain, even understanding,

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production relationship
with the environment,

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after all, this is the great crisis
of capital, of exhausting resources.

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We have a socio-technological gain,
from learning to do differently,

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this is essential.

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So, these various gains we‚

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the government itself
have difficulty measuring

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and then there is a greater
focus on the financial return,

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but we have a much greater gain,
in addition to the financial one,

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we have a gain in people\'s
behavior change.

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People say that the solidarity economy
is not a government policy,

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the solidarity economy is a way
of life, a way of living.

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Solidarity economy also builds
market relationships, obviously,

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but it is because it has a vocation
to transform these market relationships.

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The solidarity economy tends to
rebuild these relationships,

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to the extent that it will prioritize
agreements and forms of cooperation

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between suppliers and demanders,

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that is at the service of society, that is,
at the service of the development of territories.

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I think it\'s worth remembering

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some experiences that were at the
genesis of what we now call

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public policy
solidarity economy,

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in the midst of an economic crisis,
especially between 97 and 2000.

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Cooperative support programs

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and microcredit, the people\'s banks,

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were the pioneering experiences
and quite remarkable in the period.

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In this strategy, the challenge, from
the point of view of the solidarity economy,

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was to encourage families who received
monetary aid in the form of grants,

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a precursor to ‘Bolsa Familia’ program,

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to organize themselves in
solidary and self-managed ways

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for job and income generation
and community development

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in peripheral areas with
a high poverty rate.

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Many other municipal experiences

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were in progress
when Lula took office in 2003,

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and they were articulating
in what became the Managers Network.

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This group, like other
movements and organizations,

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was part of the debate for
the articulation of SENAES,

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and the design of the party
actions of this new body.

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when SENAES was created,

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the team option led by
Professor Paul Singer,

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was to make available the resources
mobilized at the beginning of the government,

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to support previously existing
projects of social entities

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linked to the solidarity economy,

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in the hope of strengthening what existed.

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The federative articulation with states
and municipalities was left for the next moment.

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With the passage of time, and the
possibility that the new government

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plan and present a budget
proposal for a new cycle,

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SENAES began to structure
programs and actions,

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made available through
public notices

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or, in some cases, performed
directly by your team.

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IPA is a non-governmental organization

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created on April 17, 1990.

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And then IPA is constituted in this
historical bulge of social struggles

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thinking about it, like these people from the semiarid
region, indigenous people, quilombolas, riverine people,

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cowboys and cowgirls, like
all this population out there,

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all there in the Brazilian
semiarid region,

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how they would be protagonists
of their own story.

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It was through us to see the
imbus rotting in the bush‚

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It didn\'t all rot because there
were animals that ate it,

00:19:07.600 --> 00:19:09.600
but there\'s a lot of waste,

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and our meeting was here,
under the imbu tree,

00:19:14.900 --> 00:19:17.150
so we sat everyone here,
from the community,

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and here we discussed all matters...

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IPA accompanied us in the community,

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and then we told them, they saw it
too, accompanying us in the woods,

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walking in the woods with this field,
it was through this field.

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and then he saw that we were in a
position to arrange a project like this,

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and then two mini factories emerged.

00:19:39.180 --> 00:19:42.960
and then one was the one we
embraced, which was this one.

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It\'s small, but it doesn\'t
matter, we want it anyway.

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And from that day on the business
changed, here it rained with people.

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Bus comes straight here,
to know the factory.

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We are at the Central da Caatinga store,

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In this store you can find several products

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which are from family farming.

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These products are benefited right
here, in the territory,

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the backcountry of San Francisco.

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I work directly with the groups,

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accompanying the groups that work
with the improvement of these products

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here within the territory.

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The solidarity economy

00:21:08.060 --> 00:21:13.880
has a vocation to establish itself as a
wide range of practices and activities,

00:21:13.880 --> 00:21:18.760
and that needs support from the point of
view of the institutional environment.

00:21:18.760 --> 00:21:24.280
This is fundamentally based on the practices
of solidarity economy itself, it is true,

00:21:24.280 --> 00:21:27.240
on the one hand, but above all in
support in the form of public policies.

00:21:27.240 --> 00:21:29.330
In the same way that
you have public policies

00:21:29.330 --> 00:21:31.620
to support the private
sectors of the market,

00:21:31.620 --> 00:21:34.680
it is necessary to have public policies
to support the solidarity economy,

00:21:34.680 --> 00:21:38.750
after all, does anyone know of any
private market productive sector

00:21:38.750 --> 00:21:41.670
which was born, grew
up and developed

00:21:41.670 --> 00:21:43.780
without public support?

00:21:43.780 --> 00:21:46.430
No funding?
No promotion policies?

00:21:49.700 --> 00:21:53.140
As the solidarity economy is
above all a practical matter,

00:21:53.140 --> 00:21:55.940
of groups, people,
subjects, institutions,

00:21:55.940 --> 00:21:58.770
which are doing solidary
economy in practice,

00:21:58.770 --> 00:22:00.860
this could be, for sure,

00:22:00.860 --> 00:22:05.300
the central element to show why and what
is the raison d\'être of the solidarity economy.

00:22:05.300 --> 00:22:08.160
It\'s not a simple idea, which
some people find beautiful,

00:22:08.160 --> 00:22:10.600
this is a real necessity

00:22:10.600 --> 00:22:15.000
from different populations,
in Brazil and in the world,

00:22:15.000 --> 00:22:17.710
found in these forms of organization

00:22:17.710 --> 00:22:22.170
a means of rebuilding their lives
and transforming their reality,

00:22:22.170 --> 00:22:24.520
and that needs to be recognized.

00:22:24.520 --> 00:22:26.520
This is a fundamental challenge.

00:22:28.320 --> 00:22:31.970
It is only possible to talk about
public policies of solidarity economy

00:22:31.970 --> 00:22:35.220
in an environment of building
and expanding democracy,

00:22:35.220 --> 00:22:39.920
because it implies recognizing new
political and economic subjects,

00:22:39.920 --> 00:22:43.620
new rights and new ways
of securing access to them.

00:22:43.620 --> 00:22:45.320
And in the case of
the solidarity economy,

00:22:45.320 --> 00:22:49.530
it implies recognizing that it is
a development project in dispute.

00:22:51.540 --> 00:22:55.680
The solidarity economy asserts
itself as a development strategy

00:22:55.680 --> 00:22:58.840
based on collective ownership
of the means of production,

00:22:58.840 --> 00:23:02.260
in self-management, and democracy,

00:23:02.260 --> 00:23:05.130
in the values ​​of social and
environmental sustainability,

00:23:05.130 --> 00:23:08.670
among others who dispute meaning

00:23:08.670 --> 00:23:11.300
with the values ​​of the capitalist model,
for example.

00:23:14.920 --> 00:23:16.700
Therefore, the solidarity economy

00:23:16.700 --> 00:23:21.120
is disputing the country\'s
public development policies,

00:23:21.120 --> 00:23:24.520
not just assistance or work programs.

00:23:24.520 --> 00:23:30.000
The instruments demanded are in all
areas of the State and governments,

00:23:30.000 --> 00:23:33.780
it\'s a breath-taking construction,
and probably long term.

00:23:43.990 --> 00:23:46.000
The construction of democracy in general,

00:23:46.000 --> 00:23:49.760
and public policies for the
solidarity economy in particular,

00:23:49.760 --> 00:23:53.840
depend, on the one hand, on the
mobilizing capacity of social subjects,

00:23:53.840 --> 00:23:55.400
of social movements,

00:23:55.400 --> 00:23:59.560
and on the other hand, the progressive
construction of an institutional environment

00:23:59.560 --> 00:24:04.360
to receive them properly and
enable their full development.

00:24:04.360 --> 00:24:06.860
In the first decade of
this century, we advanced,

00:24:06.860 --> 00:24:10.000
because rulers and institutions
were more permeable

00:24:10.000 --> 00:24:12.990
to create the right environments
for democratic dispute

00:24:12.990 --> 00:24:14.910
about public policies.

00:24:14.910 --> 00:24:17.830
It is not, unfortunately,
what we see at the moment,

00:24:17.830 --> 00:24:22.710
in which much of what was built goes
through an accelerated dismantling process.

00:24:22.710 --> 00:24:25.680
Once again, it will be up
to the resisters to resist.